What the poll actually says

Fieldwork ran across 12–13 April, the weekend after Parliament returned from the Easter recess. The topline numbers:

Reform UK 24% • Conservatives 19% • Greens 18% • Labour 17% • Liberal Democrats 13% • Restore Britain 4% • SNP 3% • Plaid Cymru 1% • Your Party 1%.

Compared with the same YouGov series a fortnight ago, Reform is steady, the Tories are up two, the Greens are up one, and Labour is down three. That three-point fall puts Starmer’s party statistically level with the Greens, and inside the margin of error of the Liberal Democrats. Every single one of the four parties above the Lib Dems could finish first on election night under uniform national swing — and the seat arithmetic that emerges from any of those outcomes would be, in the politest possible terms, chaotic.

The Labour collapse

Nine months ago, Keir Starmer’s Labour Party took 63.2% of Commons seats on 33.7% of the national vote. It was, by the only measure that matters constitutionally, a landslide. In polling terms it was always thin: Labour converted a weak Conservative performance into a thumping seat total because the first-past-the-post system cannot cope with four-party contests. What we are watching in 2026 is the same system now ceasing to cope with a five-party contest, and with Labour on the wrong side of the mathematics.

The fall from 33.7% to 17% is the sharpest mid-term collapse for a British governing party since records began in 1945. It exceeds the 1981 SDP-driven Labour collapse. It exceeds the May–Johnson Conservative collapse of 2019. And it has happened faster than either. Starmer won the general election last July. In April of the following year he polls fourth.

Reform’s ceiling

Reform UK’s 24% is not, by itself, a landslide-winning number — but the way FPTP would translate it depends entirely on the distribution. If Reform can hold the kind of 30%-plus share it just recorded in last month’s council blitz across Thurrock, Essex, Suffolk and East Sussex, it could convert a 24% national share into somewhere between 110 and 160 seats. That is not a government. It is a crossbench with unprecedented blocking power.

The party that should be worried is, paradoxically, the Conservatives. At 19% the Tories would be looking at a seat total in the low-to-mid seventies on current polling — and most of Reform’s growth has come directly from Conservative-leaning voters. The Reform ceiling is effectively the Conservative floor, and Kemi Badenoch knows this. Her problem is that everything that benefits Reform — the Iran war, the EU rules bill, Starmer’s temper in the chamber — also benefits her, just not enough to move her ahead.

The Greens are the story nobody is telling

The largest single mover in the YouGov series over the last quarter is not Reform. It is the Greens. Zack Polanski’s party has added eight points in twelve weeks. The driver, pollsters agree, is the Iran war: Green support has historically been a coalition of environmentalists, left-wing anti-war voters, and the educated young, and only the first of those is about climate change. The other two are about Iraq, Afghanistan, Gaza, and now Iran. With Starmer’s government having green-lit the use of RAF Akrotiri for intercept operations over Cyprus and Jordan, the Greens have become, for a specific slice of the Labour 2024 coalition, the only anti-war vote available.

Labour’s problem is that those voters are concentrated in university-adjacent constituencies the party cannot afford to lose. Islington, Sheffield Central, Manchester Central, Bristol, Oxford East, Cambridge — every one of them is a seat Labour needs for any majority. Every one of them is a seat where a five-point Green rise erodes the Labour margin faster than a ten-point Reform rise in the Red Wall.

What this means

The May local elections are three weeks away. Labour is defending around 1,900 council seats in a cycle that was last fought at the high-water mark of the Truss-era Conservative implosion. Any realistic reading of this poll points to Labour losing between 800 and 1,200 of those seats. That, in turn, triggers a leadership-stability conversation at the Parliamentary Labour Party meeting on 8 May — a conversation Starmer barely survived in February, and which he is manifestly less equipped to survive in May.

A Prime Minister who polls fourth, who storms out of the Commons chamber on live television, and whose party is about to lose a thousand councillors, is not a Prime Minister anyone lightly bets will still be in post by Christmas. That is now the conversation in Labour’s WhatsApp groups, and on the figures published by YouGov this week, it is the conversation the party’s own voters are having as well.